For
all peoples, as with individuals, the time comes when they must
reckon with their history. For the Chicano the present is a time
of renaissance, of renacimiento. Our people and our community,
el barrio and la colonia, are expressing a new consciousness and
a new resolve. Recognizing the historical tasks confronting our
people and fully aware of the cost of human progress, we pledge
our will to move. We will move forward toward our destiny as a
people. We will move against those forces which has denied us
freedom of expression and human dignity. Throughout history the
quest for cultural expression and freedom has taken the form of
a struggle. Our struggle tempered by the lessons of the American
past, is an historical reality.
For
decades Mexican people in the United States struggle to realize
the ''American Dream''. And some, a few, have. But the cost, the
ultimate cost of assimilation, required turning away from el barrio
and la colonia. In the meantime, due to the racist structure of
this society, to our essentially different life style, and to
the socio-economic functions assigned to our community by Anglo-American
society - as suppliers of cheap labor and dumping ground for the
small-time capitalist entrepreneur- the barrio and colonia remained
exploited, impoverished, and marginal.
As
a result, the self-determination of our community is now the only
acceptable mandate for social and political action; it is the
essence of Chicano commitment. Culturally, the word Chicano, in
the past a pejorative and class-bound adjective, has now become
the root idea of a new cultural identity for our people. It also
reveals a growing solidarity and the development of a common social
praxis. The widespread use of the term Chicano today signals a
rebirth of pride and confidence. Chicanismo simply embodies and
ancient truth: that a person is never closer to his/her true self
as when he/she is close to his/her community.
Chicanismo
draws its faith and strength from two main sources: from the just
struggle of our people and from an objective analysis of our community's
strategic needs. We recognize that without a strategic use of
education, an education that places value on what we value, we
will not realize our destiny. Chicanos recognize the central importance
of institutions of higher learning to modern progress, in this
case, to the development of our community. But we go further:
we believe that higher education must contribute to the information
of a complete person who truly values life and freedom.
The
destiny of our people will be fulfilled. to that end, we pledge
our efforts and take as our credo what Jose Vasconcelos once said
at a time of crisis and hope: "At this moment we do not come
to work for the university, but to demand that the university
work for our people.''
For
the Movement, political action essentially means influencing the
decision-making process of those institutions which affect Chicanos,
the university, community organizations, and non-community institutions.
Political action encompasses the elements which function in a
progression: political consciousness, political mobilization,
and tactics. Each part breaks down into further subdivisions.
Before continuing with specific discussions of these three categories,
a brief historical analysis must be formulated.
The
political activity of the Chicano Movement at colleges and universities
to date has been specifically directed toward establishing Chicano
student organizations (UMAS, MAYA, MASC, M.E.Ch.A., etc.) and
institutionalizing Chicano Studies programs. A variety of organizational
forms and tactics have characterize these student organizations.
One
of the major factors which led to political awareness in the 60's
was the clash between Anglo-American educational institutions
and Chicanos who maintained their cultural identity. Another factor
was the increasing number of Chicano students who became aware
of the extent to which colonial conditions characterized their
communities. The result of this domestic colonialism is that the
barrios and colonias are dependent communities with no institutional
power base and significantly influencing decision-making. Within
the last decade, a limited degree of progress has taken place
in securing a base of power within educational institutions.
Other
factors which affected the political awareness of the Chicano
youth were: the heritage of the Chicano youth movements of the
30's and 40's; the failure of the Chicano political efforts of
the 40's and 50's; the bankruptcy of the Mexican- American pseudo-political
associations; and the disillusionment of Chicano participants
in the Kennedy campaigns. Among the strongest influences of Chicano
youth today have been the National Farm Workers Association, the
Crusades for Justice, and the Alianza Federal de Pueblos Libres,
The Civil Rights, the Black Power, and the Anti-war movements
were other influences.
As
political consciousness increased, there occurred a simultaneously
a renewed cultural awareness which, along with social and economical
factors, led to the proliferation of Chicano youth organizations.
By the mid 1960's, MASC, MAYA, UMAS, La Vida Nueva, and M.E.Ch.A.
appeared on campus, while the Brown Berets, Black Berets, ALMA,
and la Junta organized the barrios and colonias. These groups
differed from one another depending on local conditions and their
varying state of political development. Despite differences in
name and organizational experience, a basic unity evolved.
These
groups have had a significant impact on the awareness of large
numbers of people, both Chicano and non-Chicano. Within the communities,
some public agencies have been sensitized, and others have been
exposed. On campuses, articulation of demands and related political
efforts have dramatized NUESTRA CAUSA. Concrete results are visible
in the establishment of corresponding supportive services. The
institutionalization of Chicano Studies marks the present stage
of activity; the next stage will involve the strategic application
of university and college resources to the community. One immediate
result will be the elimination of the artificial distinction which
exist between the students and the community. Rather than being
its victims, the community will benefit from the resources of
the institutions of higher learning.
Commitment
to the struggle for Chicano liberation is the operative definition
of the ideology used here. Chicanismo involves a crucial distinction
in political consciousness between a Mexican American (or Hispanic)
and a Chicano mentality. The Mexican American or Hispanic is a
person who lacks self-respect and pride in one's ethnic and cultural
background. Thus, the Chicano acts with confidence and with a
range of alternatives in the political world. He is capable of
developing and effective ideology through action.
Mexican
Americans (or Hispanics) must be viewed as potential Chicanos.
Chicanismo is flexible enough to relate to the varying levels
of consciousness within La Raza. Regional variations must always
be kept in mind as well as the different levels of development,
composition, maturity, achievement, and experience in political
action. Cultural nationalism is a means of total Chicano liberation.
There
are definite advantages to cultural nationalism, but no inherent
limitations. A Chicano ideology, especially as it involves cultural
nationalism, should be positively phrased in the form of propositions
to the Movement. Chicanismo is a concept that integrates self-awareness
with cultural identity, a necessary step in developing political
consciousness. As such, it serves as a basis for political action,
flexible enough to include the possibility of coalitions. The
related concept of La Raza provides an internationalist scope
of Chicanismo, and La Raza Cosmica furnishes a philosophical precedent.
Within this framework, the Third World concept merits consideration.
Political
mobilization is directly dependent on political consciousness.
As political consciousness develops, the potential for political
action increases.
The
Chicano student organization in institutions of higher learning
is central to all effective political mobilization. Effective
mobilization presupposes precise definition of political goals
and of the tactical interrelationships of roles. Political goals
in any given situations must encompass the totality of Chicano
interests in higher education. The differentiations of roles required
by a given situation must be defined on the basis of mutual accountability
and equal sharing of responsibility. Furthermore, the mobilization
of community support not only legitimizes the activities of Chicano
student solidarity in axiomatic in all aspects of political action.
Since
the movements is definitely of national significance and scope,
all student organizations should adopt one identical name throughout
the state and eventually the nation to characterize the common
struggle of La Raza de Aztlan. The net gain is a step toward greater
national unity which enhances the power in mobilizing local campus
organizations.
When
advantageous, political coalitions and alliances with non-Chicano
groups may be considered. A careful analysis must precede the
decision to enter into a coalition. One significant factor is
the community's attitude toward coalitions. Another factor is
the formulation of a mechanism for the distribution of power that
ensures maximum participation in decision making: i.e., formulation
of demands and planning of tactics. When no longer politically
advantageous, Chicano participation in the coalition ends.
M.E.Ch.A.
is a first step to tying the students groups throughout the Southwest
into a vibrant and responsive network of activists who will respond
as a unit to oppression and racism and will work in harmony when
initiating and carrying put campaigns of liberation for our people.
As
of present, wherever one travels throughout the Southwest, one
finds that there are different levels of awareness of different
campuses. The student movement is to a large degree a political
movement and as such must not elicit from our people the negative
reason. To this end, then we must re-define politics for our people
to be a means of liberation. The political sophistication of our
Raza must be raised so that they do not fall prey to apologists
and vendidos whose whole interest if their personal career of
fortune. In addition, the student movement is more than a political
movement, it is cultural and social as well. The spirit of M.E.Ch.A.
must be one of hermandad and cultural awareness. The ethic of
profit and competition, of greed and intolerance, which the Anglo
society offers must be replaced by our ancestral communalism and
love for beauty and justice. M.E.Ch.A. must bring to the mind
of every young Chicano that the liberations of this people from
prejudice and oppression is in his hands and this responsibility
is greater than personal achievement and more meaningful that
degrees, especially if they are earned at the expense of his identity
and cultural integrity.
M.E.Ch.A.,
then, is more than a name; it is a spirit of unity, of brotherhood,
and a resolve to undertake a struggle for liberation in society
where justice is but a word. M.E.Ch.A. is a means to an end.
To
socialize and politicize Chicano students of their particular
campus to the ideals of the movement. It is important that every
Chicano student on campus be made to feel that he has a place
on the campus and that he/she has a feeling of familia with his/her
Chicano brothers, and sisters. Therefore, the organization in
its flurry of activities and projects must not forget or overlook
the human factor of friendship, understanding, trust, etc. As
well as stimulating hermanidad, this approach can also be looked
at in more pragmatic terms. If enough trust, friendship, and understanding
are generated, then the loyalty and support can be relied upon
when a crisis faces the group or community. This attitude must
not merely provide a social club atmosphere but the strengths,
weaknesses, and talents of each member should be known so that
they may be utilized to the greatest advantage. Know one another.
Part of the reason that students will come to the organization
is in search of self-fulfillment. Give that individual the opportunity
to show what he/she can do. Although the Movement stresses collective
behavior, it is important that the individual be recognized and
given credit for his/her efforts. When people who work in close
association know one another well, it is more conductive to self-criticism
and re-evaluation, and this every M.E.Ch.A. person must be willing
to submit to. Periodic self-criticism often eliminates static
cycles of unproductive behavior. It is an opportunity for fresh
approaches to old problems to be surfaces and aired; it gives
new leadership a chance to emerge; and must be recognized as a
vital part of M.E.Ch.A. M.E.Ch.A. can be considered a training
ground for leadership, and as such no one member or group of members
should dominate the leadership positions for long periods of time.
This tends to take care of itself considering tie transitory nature
of students.
Action
is the best organizer. During and immediately following direct
action of any type--demonstrations, marches, rallies, or even
symposiums and speeches-- new faces will often surface and this
is where much of the recruiting should be done. New members should
be made to feel that they are part of the group immediately and
not that they have to go through a period of warming up to the
old membership. Each new member should be given a responsibility
as soon as possible and fitted into the scheme of things according
to his or her talents and interests.
Since
the college student is constantly faced with the responsibility
of raising funds for the movements, whether it be for legal defense,
the grape boycott, or whatever reason, this is an excellent opportunity
for internal education. Fund-raising events should always be educational.
If the event is a symposium or speech or debate, is usually an
excellent opportunity to spread the Chicano Liberation Movement
philosophy. If the event is a pachanga or tardeada or baile, this
provides an excellent opportunity to practice and teach the culture
in all its facets. In addition, each M.E.Ch.A. chapter should
establish and maintain an extensive library of Chicano materials
so that the membership has ready access to material which will
help them understand their people and their problems. General
meetings should be educational. The last segment of each regular
meeting can be used to discuss ideological or philosophical differences,
or some event in the Chicano's history. It should be kept in mind
that there will always be different levels of awareness within
the group due to the individual's background or exposure of the
movement. This must be taken into consideration so as not to alienate
members before they have had a chance to listen to the argument
for liberation.
The
best educational device is being in the barrio as often as possible.
More often than not the members of M.E.Ch.A. will be products
of the barrio; but many have lost contact with their former surroundings,
and this tie must be re-established if M.E.Ch.A. is to organize
and work for La Raza.
The
following things should be kept in mind in order to develop group
cohesiveness: 1) know the talents and abilities of each member;
2) every semester must be given a responsibility, and recognition
should be given for their efforts; 3) of mistakes are made, they
should become learning experiences for the whole group and not
merely excuses for ostracizing individual members; 4) since many
people come to M.E.Ch.A. seeking self-fulfillment, they must be
seized to educate the student to the Chicano philosophy, culture,
and history; 6) of great importance is that a personal and human
interaction exist between members of the organization so that
such things as personality clashes, competition, ego-trips, subterfuge,
infiltration, provocateurs, cliques, and mistrust do not impede
the cohesion and effectiveness of the group. Above all the feeling
of hermanidad must prevail so that the organization is more to
the members than just a club or a clique. M.E.Ch.A. must be a
learning and fulfilling experience that develops dedication and
commitment.
A
delicate but essential question is discipline. Discipline is important
to an organization such as M.E.Ch.A. because many may suffer form
the indiscretion of a few. Because of the reaction of the general
population to the demands of the Chicano, one can always expect
some retribution or retaliation for gains made by the Chicano,
be it in the form of legal cations or merely economic sanction
on the campus. Therefore, it becomes essential that each member
pull his load and that no one be allowed to be dead weight. Carga
floja is dangerous, and if not brought up to par, it must be cut
loose. The best discipline comes from mutual respect, and therefore,
the leaders of the group must enjoy and give this respect. The
manner of enforcing discipline, however, should be left up to
the group and the particular situation.
Actions
of the group must be coordinate in such a way that everyone knows
exactly what he is supposed to do. This requires that at least
rudimentary organizational methods and strategy be taught to the
group. Confusion is avoid different the plans and strategies are
clearly stated to all. The objective must be clear to the group
at all times, especially during confrontations and negotiations.
There should be alternate plans for reaching the objectives, and
these should be explained to the group so that it is not felt
that a reversal of position or capitulation has been carried out
without their approval. The short, as well as the long, range
values and effects of all actions should be considered before
actions are taken. This assumes that their is sufficient time
to plan and carefully map out actions, which brings up another
point: don't be caught off guard, don't be forced to act out of
haste; choose your own battleground and your own time schedule
when possible. Know your power base and develop it. A student
group is more effective if it can claim the support of the community
and support on the campus itself form other sectors than the student
population.
Other
students can be important to M.E.Ch.A. in supportive roles; hence,
the question of coalitions. Although it is understood and quite
obvious that the viability and amenability of coalition varies
form campus to campus, some guidelines might be kept in mind.
These questions should be asked before entering into any binding
agreement. Is it beneficial to tie oneself to another group in
coalition which will carry one into conflicts for which on is
ill-prepared or involve one with issues on which one is ill-advised?
Can one sagely go into a coalition where one group is markedly
stronger than another? Does M.E.Ch.A. have an equal voice in leadership
and planning in the coalition group? Is it perhaps better to enter
into a loose alliance for a given issue? How does leadership of
each group view coalitions? How does the membership? Can M.E.Ch.A.
hold up its end of the bargain? Will M.E.Ch.A. carry dead weight
in a coalition? All of these and many more questions must be asked
and answered before one can safely say that he/she will benefit
from and contribute to a strong coalition effort.
Supportive
groups. When moving on campus it is often well-advised to have
groups who are willing to act in supportive roles. For example,
there are usually any number of faculty members who are sympathetic,
but limited as to the numbers of activities they will engage in.
These faculty members often serve on academic councils and senates
and can be instrumental in academic policy. They also provide
another channel to the academic power structure and can be used
as leverage in negotiation. However, these groups are only as
responsive as the ties with them are nurtured. This goes not mean,
compromise M.E.Ch.A.'s integrity; it merely means laying good
groundwork before an issue is brought up, touching bases with
your allies before hand.
Sympathetic
administrators. This a delicate area since administrators are
most interested in not jeopardizing their positions and often
will try to act as buffers or liaison between the administration
and the student group. In the case of Chicano administrators,
it should not be priori be assumed, he/she must be given the chance
to prove his/her allegiance to La Causa. As such, he/she should
be the Chicano's person in the power structure instead of the
administration's Mexican-American. It is from the administrator
that information can be obtained as to the actual feasibility
of demands or programs to go beyond the platitudes and pleas of
unreasonableness with which the administration usually answers
proposals and demands. The words of the administrator should never
be the deciding factor in students' actions. The student must
at all time make their own decisions. It is very human for people
to establish self-interest. Therefore, students must constantly
remind the Chicano administrators and faculty where their loyalty
and allegiance lie. It is very easy for administrators to begin
looking for promotions just as it is very natural for faculty
members to seek positions of academic prominence.
In
short, it is the students who must keep after Chicano and non-Chicano
administrators and faculty to see that they do not compromise
the position of the student and the community. By the same token,
it is the student who must come to the support of these individuals
if they are threatened for their support of the student. Students
must be careful not to become a political level for others.
It
is a fact that the Chicano has not often enough written his/her
own history, his/her own anthropology, his/her own sociology,
his/her own literature. He/she must do this if he is to survive
as a cultural entity in this melting pot society, which seeks
to dilute varied cultures into a gray upon gray pseudo-culture
of technology and materialism. The Chicano student is doing most
of the work in the establishment of study programs, centers, curriculum
development, entrance programs to get more Chicano into college.
This is good and must continue, but students must be careful not
to be co-opted in their fervor for establishing relevance on the
campus. Much of what is being offered by college systems and administrators
is too little too late. M.E.Ch.A. must not compromise programs
and curriculum which are essential for the total education of
the Chicano for the sake of expediency. The students must not
become so engrossed in programs and centers created along establishes
academic guidelines that they forget the needs of the people which
these institutions are meant to serve. To this end, barrio input
must always be given full and open hearing when designing these
programs, when creating them and in running them. The jobs created
by these projects must be filled by competent Chicanos, not only
the Chicano who has the traditional credentials required for the
position, but one who has the credentials of the Raza. To often
in the past the dedicated pushed for a program only to have a
vendido sharp-talker come in and take over and start working for
his Anglo administrator. Therefore, students must demand a say
in the recruitment and selection of all directors and assistant
directors of student-initiated programs. To further insure strong
if not complete control of the direction and running of programs,
all advisory and steering committees should have both student
and community components as well as sympathetic Chicano faculty
as member.
Tying
the campus to the barrio. The colleges and universities in the
past have existed in an aura of omnipotence and infallibility.
It is time that they be made responsible and responsive to the
communities in which they are located or whose member they serve.
As has already been mentioned, community members should serve
on all program related to Chicano interests. In addition to this,
all attempts must be made to take the college and university to
the barrio, whether it be in form of classes giving college credit
or community centers financed by the school for the use of community
organizations and groups. Also, the barrio must be brought to
the campus, whether it be for special programs or ongoing services
which the school provides for the people of the barrio. The idea
must be made clear to the people of the barrio that they own the
schools and the schools and all their resources are at their disposal.
The student group must utilize the resources open to the school
for the benefit of the barrio at every opportunity. This can be
done by hiring more Chicanos to work as academic and non-academic
personnel on the campus; this often requires exposure of racist
hiring practices now in operation in may college and universities.
When functions, social, or otherwise, are held in the barrio under
the sponsorship of the college and university, monies should be
spent in the Barrio. This applies to hiring Chicano contractors
to build on campus, etc. Many colleges and universities have publishing
operations which could be forced to accept barrio works for publication.
Many other things could be considered in using the resources of
the school to the barrio. There are possibilities for using the
physical plant and facilities not mentioned here, but this is
an area which has great potential.
Most
colleges in the southwest are located near or in the same town
as a barrio. Therefore, it is the responsibility of M.E.Ch.A.
members to establish close working relationship with organization
in the barrio. The M.E.Ch.A. people must be able to take the pulse
of the barrio and be able to respond to it. However, M.E.Ch.A.
must be careful not to overstep its authority or duplicate the
efforts of another organization already in the barrio. M.E.Ch.A.
must be able to relate to all segments of the barrio, from the
middle-class assimilationists to the vatos locos.
Obviously,
every barrio has its particular needs, and M.E.Ch.A. people must
determine with the help of those in the barrio where they can
be most effective. There are, however, some general areas which
M.E.Ch.A. can involve itself. Some of them are: 1) policing social
and governmental agencies to make them more responsive in a humane
and dignified was to the people of the barrio; 2) carrying out
research on the economic and credit policies of merchants in the
barrio and exposing fraudulent and exorbitant establishment; 3)
speaking and communicating with junior high and high school students,
helping with their projects, teaching them organizational techniques,
supporting their actions; 4) spreading the message of the movement
by any media available - this means speaking, radio, television,
local newspaper, underground paper, poster, art, theaters; in
shot, spreading propaganda of the Movement; 5) exposing discrimination
in hiring and renting practices and many other ares which the
student because of his/her mobility, his/her articulation, and
his/her vigor should take as hi/her responsibility. It may mean
at time having to work in conjunction with other organizations.
If this is the case and the project is one begun by the other
organization, realize that M.E.Ch.A. is there as a supporter and
should accept the direction of the group involved. Do not let
loyalty to an organization cloud responsibility to a greater force
- la Causa.
Working
in the barrio is an honor, but is also a right because we come
form these people, and as, mutual respect between the barrio and
the college group should be the rule. Understand at the same time,
however, that there will initially be mistrust and often envy
on the part of some in the barrio for the college student. This
mistrust must be broken down by a demonstration of affection for
the barrio and La Raza through hard work and dedication. If the
approach is one of a dilettante or of a Peace Corps volunteer,
the people will know it and act accordingly. If it is merely a
cathartic experience to work among the unfortunate in the barrio
- stay out.
Of
the community, for the community. Por la Raza habla el espiritu.